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Истерика.

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Re: Истерика.

Сообщение NOBEL »

А за это взяли в реале.
ВОЗДУШНЫЙ ЦИРК АЛЕКСАНДРА ЛУКАШЕНКО.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jxK2bbSGRB0


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Re: Истерика.

Сообщение lexei »

У кого истерика?
_________________
Если я когда нибудь захомажу пам, прострелите мне ногу в назидание другим...

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Re: Истерика.

Сообщение PavelBuhre »

Про Хованского раньше не слышал, оказалось террорист закоренелый спевший какую то песенку лет 10 назад. Северная Корея-2.)

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Re: Истерика.

Сообщение NOBEL »

Пророческое видео.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q-kemf2tzzU

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Re: Истерика.

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Re: Истерика.

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Vladislav Surkov: ‘An overdose of freedom is lethal to a state’

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Сообщение fortress »

“There are two options,” says Vladislav Surkov as we settle into our seats. “The first is Anglo-Saxon. I give you the menu, you can choose what you want. The second option is Russian. There is no choice. The chef chooses for you, because he knows better what you want.” Surkov smiles. “I suggest the Russian option.”

And so begins a meal closely seasoned with allegory and metaphor, orchestrated by a man who helped to strangle Russia’s toddler democracy and change it with an enfeebled parody of closely scripted political actuality TV that has saved Vladimir Putin in energy for 21 years and counting — regardless of the rising tide of dissatisfaction and unrest at its dwindling financial advantages.

Surkov is a founding father of Putinism, and one of its key enablers. He is the architect of Russia’s “sovereign democracy”, an ostensibly open system with a closed consequence: elections are known as, candidates marketing campaign, votes are forged, poll packing containers are opened, and the identical man wins, each single time.

Its core thought is that the soundness of the state supersedes the freedom of the person, and entails pretend opposition events, inflexible management of the media and unattainable obstacles to entry for political figures not authorized by the regime, offset by the phantasm of the standard trappings of a true democracy.

Grey cardinal, éminence grise, a fashionable Rasputin, a Russian Richelieu — Surkov exhausts the clichés because the consummate Kremlin backroom operator. Never elected, he was Putin’s chief ideologist and by most accounts his closest political confidant for greater than a dozen years, who went on to stage-manage the 2014 annexation of Crimea and Russia’s involvement within the ongoing struggle in japanese Ukraine.

Surkov is both 56 or 58, relying on which biography you imagine; in Russian political phrases, he is solely simply reaching his prime. But he is not contained in the towering purple brick partitions of the Kremlin, having parted methods with Putin final spring. From scripting Russia’s democracy, he is now merely controlling my weight loss program.

In denims and a pullover, in a secluded nook of an ostentatious restaurant perched on the roof of a luxurious Moscow division retailer, Surkov says that his departure is irreversible, and that a yr away from Putin’s facet has taught him “the true meaning of serenity”. He has stayed out of the limelight since departing, publishing some poetry and — he tells me — exchanging political administration for political philosophy.

Menu

Buro Tsum

Petrovka Ulitsa, 2, Moscow, Russia, 107031

Green vegetable carpaccio in white truffle oil

Tuna carpaccio

Sweet beef with parmesan cheese

Grilled sea bass with baked tomatoes and zucchini

Bellini panna cotta with pomegranate granita

1 bottle Perrier-Jouët Blanc de Blancs

The Financial Times was unable to pay for this meal however has made a £200 donation to charity as an alternative

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Re: Истерика.

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We order champagne (Surkov says he solely drinks glowing) and because the first of 5 preordained programs arrives — a mess of barely discernible shredded greens drowning in truffle oil — I ask the plain query: how does one dismantle democracy whereas enhancing its facade?

“In the Soviet Union, there was a lot of homogeneity. And that homogeneity ruined the Soviet Union, because people need diversity. But in the 1990s, we had diversity. And that diversity was ruining Russia even faster,” he begins.

“For a while I was a student at the institute of culture. I studied the Commedia dell’arte. There is a limited cast: Pantalone, the merchant. There is a judge, Tartaglia. There is Harlequin, a stupid servant. Brighella, a smart servant. Colombina, the young servant, and so on. There is a limited group of players, but they represent all strata of society.”

I’m initially bemused by this detour into Italian theatrical nomenclature nevertheless it quickly turns into clear.

“People need to see themselves on stage,” he continues. “In this masked comedy, there is a director, there is a plot. And this is when I understood what needed to be done.

“We had to give diversity to people. But that diversity had to be under control. And then everyone would be satisfied. And at the same time, the unity of the society would be preserved . . . It works, this model works. It is a good compromise between chaos and order.”

Later in our dialog, which came about three weeks earlier than Wednesday’s summit in Geneva, Surkov will spell out his central doctrine with even much less nuance: “An overdose of freedom is lethal to a state,” he says. “Anything that is medicine can be poison. It is all about the dosage.”

Raised by his mom in a metropolis 300km from Moscow, his Chechen father having left the household when Surkov was nonetheless younger, he took an unorthodox route to Putin’s facet.

He served within the Soviet military, labored as a turner in a manufacturing unit, and spent years “smoking and talking with hippies and some other queer people” earlier than getting into the chaotic world of Russia’s nascent capitalism as first a bodyguard after which a PR man for banking and oil tycoon Mikhail Khodorkovsky. Khodorkovsky was later stripped of his property, jailed and exiled throughout Surkov’s time within the Kremlin.

After a stint at Russia’s state TV channel he was made an assistant to Alexander Voloshin, President Boris Yeltsin’s chief of employees, in 1999. When Putin inherited the Kremlin on the flip of the millennium, Surkov was made deputy chief of employees.

“When the change happened, it was absolutely clear to me that the personality of the new leader provided an opportunity,” Surkov recollects. “With Putin, I realised everything that I wanted to do could be done now.”

Surkov entered the Kremlin when Russia’s democracy was simply eight years outdated. In that quick time, Yeltsin had survived an tried coup, nearly misplaced the presidency to a communist, and had in impact mortgaged the Kremlin to a small coterie of businessmen who had been now calling the pictures.

We had to give range to folks. But that range had to be below management

The industrious younger political strategist received straight to work, constructing a get together for Putin — at the moment’s United Russia, which has received each election it has entered — whereas additionally serving to to arrange different events such because the nationalist Rodina (Motherland), nominally unbiased however Kremlin-directed, designed to attraction to disgruntled residents who may in any other case have voted for actual opponents of Putin, akin to staunch leftists.

He tells me that Putin, along with his assist, created “a new type of state”. He describes his former boss as a modern-day Octavian, the Roman ruler who succeeded Julius Caesar.

“Octavian came to power when the nation, the people, were wary of fighting. He created a different type of state. It was not a republic any more . . . he preserved the formal institutions of the republic — there was a senate, there was a tribune. But everyone reported to one person and obeyed him. Thus he married the wishes of the republicans who killed Caesar, and those of the common people who wanted a direct dictatorship,” he says.

“Putin did the same with democracy. He did not abolish it. He married it with the monarchical archetype of Russian governance. This archetype is working. It is not going anywhere . . . It has enough freedom and enough order.”

This is simple for him to say. Less so for many who oppose Putin’s stealth autocracy, akin to Alexei Navalny, the chief of Russia’s grassroots opposition, who has mobilised lots of of 1000’s of protesters in opposition to the regime over the previous decade regardless of fixed assaults. Last yr, he was poisoned with a weapons-grade nerve agent in an assassination try he says was ordered by the Kremlin and, after he recovered, was arrested and jailed.

In response, tens of 1000’s of Russians took to the streets this winter, solely to be violently overwhelmed by riot police and detained. Is that half of Surkov’s scripted democracy?

Putin did the identical with democracy. He didn’t abolish it. He married it with the monarchical archetype of Russian governance

“When I started my work in 2000, I suggested a very simple system to bring law and order. We split the opposition into systemic and non-systemic. And what is systemic opposition? That is one that obeys the rules, laws and customs,” he says, referring to Kremlin-directed opposition events.

I name him out on this apparent paradox. An opposition that is loyal to those that set the principles is no opposition in any respect. He presses on.

“The second requirement is that they do not work for foreign governments. If they do that, they cannot represent Russians . . . it breaches our sovereignty,” he says. “How to exclude it is a matter of taste, and depends on the temper of certain people.”

Navalny’s organisation has been designated as a “foreign agent”, and its members will probably be banned from collaborating in elections. It denies receiving overseas assist.

I ask him if he is shocked by the brand new stage of violence being utilized by police in opposition to protesters this spring. He smiles, and says he has no thought. I like to recommend he goes to a protest. “Me? Why should I?” he responds with mock affront.

“The state protects itself, everywhere,” he retorts. “Sorry, I’m saying simple things like a Kremlin propagandist, but this is obvious. In all countries, illegal rallies are crushed by force. Why should we be different?

“That man is not acceptable. Navalny is not acceptable,” he says. “He should not be part of Russian politics. Germans love him, let him be elected to the Bundestag . . . They can give him a German passport.”

This sharp nationalist edge lies slightly below the floor of this suave mental, who blends Bible quotes with monetary market idea and saved a picture of the late US rapper Tupac Shakur in his authorities workplace.

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Waiters bustle round. Delicious tuna carpaccio is an enchancment on the sorry salad, and subsequent comes slices of wonderful uncommon beef below shredded parmesan. Surkov barely touches his meals and takes tiny sips of his champagne.

In 2011, Surkov moved from the Kremlin to turn out to be deputy prime minister, and in May 2013 was dismissed from authorities. His rivals toasted the tip of his regency. But 4 months later he returned, this time as a formal aide to Putin, with oversight over Ukraine coverage. It can be an task with equally seismic impacts as his first.

Surkov tells me that when he labored for Khodorkovsky within the Nineteen Nineties, he wrote a memo to a senior politician arguing for the necessity for Russia to retake Crimea, the Black Sea peninsula that grew to become half of unbiased Ukraine when the USSR dissolved. But, he admits, Russia lacked each the sources and the organisation on the time.

In February 2014, 5 months after Surkov’s new appointment, unmarked Russian troops entered Crimea to seize strategic websites, and lend muscle to pro-Russian separatists that demanded independence from Kyiv.

A month later, in a referendum declared unlawful by the UN General Assembly, the territory voted to turn out to be a half of Russia. Simultaneously, pro-Russian teams in japanese Ukraine, supported by Moscow, started taking management of regional establishments and clashing with federal safety providers — clashes that erupted into a full-blown struggle that continues at the moment.

Surkov is unrepentant, and portrays himself as somebody searching for to assist — not dissect — a nation lengthy divided between east and west. “Ukrainians are very well aware that for the time being, their country does not really exist. I have said that it could exist in the future. The national core exists. I am just asking the question as to what the borders, the frontier should be. And that should be the subject for an international discussion,” he says.

“The country can be reformed as a confederation, with a lot of freedom for the regions to decide things by themselves,” he continues. “Two bones want smooth tissue between them. Ukraine is proper between Russia and the west, and the geopolitical gravity of each will sever Ukraine.

Ukraine is proper between Russia and the west, and the geopolitical gravity of each will sever Ukraine

“Until we reach that outcome, the fight for Ukraine will never cease. It may die down, it may flare up, but it will continue, inevitably.”

Surkov describes the Minsk agreements — a peace deal signed by Moscow, Kyiv and pro-Russian rebels — as an act that “legitimised the first division of Ukraine”.

I remind him that 14,000 folks have been killed in combating since 2014, together with 298 civilians on board Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 that was shot down by pro-Russian rebels, in accordance to worldwide investigations that Moscow rejects. Surkov says that was “a pity”.

“I am proud that I was part of the reconquest. This was the first open geopolitical counter-attack by Russia [against the west] and such a decisive one. That was an honour for me,” he says. “Could it have been done better? Of course it could . . . But we have got what we have got.”

Throughout his time at Putin’s facet, Surkov was deployed as a deft propagandist, and shrewd manipulator of public temper. He helped delivery Nashi, a nationalist youth group that commemorated Putin and harassed perceived enemies of the state. Much of the Kremlin propaganda spewed out by state TV and social media troll armies was drafted on his desk.

“People need it,” he says in response to my remark that a lot of that propaganda is harmful. “Most people need their heads to be filled with thoughts.

“You are not going to feed people with some highly intellectual discourse. Most people eat simple foods. Not the kind of food we are having tonight. Generally most people consume very simple-meaning beliefs. This is normal. There is haute cuisine, and there is McDonald’s,” he laughs. “Everyone takes advantage of such people all over the world.”

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Most folks want their heads to be stuffed with ideas. You are usually not going to feed folks with some extremely mental discourse

Yet sooner or later, his strategies noticed him fall from favour. He had turn out to be, in his personal phrases, “too odious”.

“When someone fills a certain office, and people talk about him for so long that he is a puppeteer, that he is a strangler of democracy, that he is [18th-century reactionary adviser to three Russian Tsars] Pobedonostsev and Rasputin — that is the essence of being odious,” he says. “The government has to remove such people now and then . . . those people have to be replaced, so that they stop irritating people.”

But he additionally asserts that his ultimate departure was mutual — that the enjoyable of dressing up a one-party state as a democracy had gone.

“In 2000, it was unbelievably exciting. It was for the first time. Everyone said: ‘Wow!’” he remembers. “And so then what else? I had built this car, but I got bored driving it. It needed people who are more patient sitting at their desks. I am not a driver.”

Yet he nonetheless evidently likes to be in cost. Without my information, he has already settled the invoice. I protest, citing FT guidelines. He waves me away, citing his personal.

Surkov, who has mystified Kremlin watchers along with his low profile since leaving — neither political exile nor profitable enterprise appointments — rebuffs my persistent questions on a potential return to the fray. But because the plates of panna cotta are cleared, and I ask about his function within the subsequent Kremlin transition, his self-discipline lastly cracks.

“Well, let’s wait and see. Some exciting things are ahead of us. There will be many new dramatic transformations,” he says. “Yes, I would like to understand when it will happen. If I live long enough, when it happens, then I will have a job.”

Henry Foy is the FT’s Moscow bureau chief

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Сообщение NOBEL »

"— Послушай, — сказал Чачуа, сосредоточенно морща жирный лоб и двигая носом. Андрей, приостановившись, выжидательно смотрел на него. — Давно хотел тебя спросить… — Лицо его стало серьезным. — Слушай, там у вас в семнадцатом году в Петрограде заварушка была. Чем кончилось, а?
Андрей плюнул и вышел, хлопнув дверью под раскатистый хохот страшно довольного кавказца. Опять Чачуа поймал его на этот дурацкий анекдот. Хоть совсем с ним не разговаривай."
Град обреченный.(1972,А и Б Стругацкий)
http://www.etextlib.ru/Book/Details/11810

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Сообщение NOBEL »

"— Так. Вроде сна. Вы были сегодня в Красном Здании?
— Ну, был.
— Где находилось Красное Здание, когда вы в него вошли?
— Сегодня? Сегодня там, у синагоги.
— Меня вы там видели?
Изя опять осклабился.
— Вас я вижу каждый раз, когда захожу туда.
— В том числе сегодня?
— В том числе.
— Чем я занимался?
— Непотребством, — сказал Изя с удовольствием.
— Конкретно?
— Вы совокуплялись, господин Воронин. Совокуплялись сразу со многими девочками и одновременно проповедовали кастратам высокие принципы. Втолковывали им, что занимаетесь этим делом не для собственного удовольствия, а для блага всего человечества."
Град обреченный.(1972,А и Б Стругацкий)


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Сообщение fortress »

https://sevastopol.su/news/tropicheskie ... -2022-goda
Мы - русские, с нами - Б-г ! ;)))

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Сообщение NOBEL »

Людей жалко.

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Re: Истерика.

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Самое интересное это то,что будет дальше.Самое правильное и разумное для власти перед выборами в Государственную Думу осенью 2021 г.оказать Максимальную реальную помощь пострадавшим людям,региону и его убитой инфраструктуре.Освещать это непрерывно с помпой вплоть до самого голосования.Абсолютное предвыборное золото.Причём деньги сделают две работы:восстановление жизни после стихийного бедствия в Крыму и реальная,эффективная,правдивая предвыборная агитка за партию Единая Россия,которую все ненавидят.Умный правитель с командой просто вцепился бы в этот шанс.Разместил свой Штаб прямо в эпицентре бедствия , лично руководил и присматривал за оказанием помощи людям и восстановлением нормальной жизни в регионе.Гонял и увольнял виноватых и нерадивых управленцев.Так бы сделал их любимый Сталин в наше время.Кого-то можно даже и расстрелять из администрации региона.
Но будет другое.Молчок.Мизерное выделение бабла на помощь,да и она будет разворована.Людям предоставят самим справляться с последствиями.Налоги и поборы в этом году, несмотря на форс-мажор, соберут с людей по-полной программе.В общем как с ковидом в России получилось.Никакой помощи,повышение налогов,ещё большее урезание конституционных прав граждан.Запасаемся попкорном.

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Re: Истерика.

Сообщение Vladimir SM2 »

fortress писал(а): Пн июн 21, 2021 6:36 pm https://sevastopol.su/news/tropicheskie ... -2022-goda
Мы - русские, с нами - Б-г ! ;)))
Б Г - с Больших букв!
https://youtu.be/KMe6xsgJyuY
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